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经济学人中英对照


Immigration law 移民法

Our town 我们的城镇 A small city passes a controversial immigration ordinance 內布拉斯加小镇通过了一项有争议的移民法令 SOME of the earliest settlers of Nebraska were Germans. During the

first world war the state forbade any teaching in their native language. But that was long ago. These days, just outside the tidy little city of Fremont, a new batch of residents is trying to settle in. The Regency II trailer park houses immigrants, mostly from Mexico. Many of the trailers are just flimsy boxes. Others are painted brightly, or sport day lilies on a small lawn. One house has an American flag beside it. And on June 21st the Regency displayed a white sign at its entrance with the message: “Vote No”. 内布拉斯加州最早的定居者中有一些是德国人。 在第一次世界大战期间, 该州曾禁止德裔居 民用母语教学。但这是很久以前的事了。这些天来,就在整洁的弗里蒙特小镇外围,一批新 的居民正试着安顿新家。Regency II 拖车场的居民都是移民,多数来自墨西哥。许多拖车有 着寒呛的外表,另一些则漆上明亮的色彩,或绘着草坪上零星的日百合。一座房子旁边悬挂 着一幅美国国旗。6 月 21 日,Regency 在入口处立起一块标牌,上面写着:“Vote No(投票 反对) 。” That day Fremont voted “yes” to a new ordinance that aims to rid the town of illegal immigrants. It is the latest place to try to solve immigration problems on its own. “This is our town,” declares Jerry Hart, a retired worker for the Internal Revenue Service and one of the ordinance’s main advocates. “Nobody is going to take care of us but us.” 那天弗里蒙特投票通过了一项新法令, 旨在将非法移民从小镇中驱逐出去。 在最近的反移民 风潮中,弗里蒙特是最新的一例,它试图自己解决移民问题。这项法令的主要发起者之一, 国内税务局退休职工 Jerry Hart 说:“这是我们的城镇,除了我们自己,没有人关心我们。” Fremont is far from the heat of the border. But in recent decades farm states like Nebraska have seen a slow ebbing of their population and the influx of two new sorts of people. Slaughterhouses have moved from the cities to places where land is cheap and unions less pesky. Immigrants, seeking jobs, have followed. In 2007 foreign-born residents made up 5.6% of Nebraska’s population, triple the share of 1990. This has led to small flare-ups—a school overwhelmed by Spanish-speaking pupils, for example—and big ones, such as clashes in 2008 between Hispanic and Somali meatpackers. 虽然弗里蒙特远离边境,但是最近几十年间,伴随原住人口的缓慢萎缩,内布拉斯加州这样 的农业州迎来了两类新人的快速涌入。 先是屠宰业从城区搬迁到土地价格便宜和工会没那么 强势的地区,然后寻找工作机会的移民尾随跟上。在 2007 年,国外出生的居民在内布拉斯 加州人口占比达到 5.6%,是 1990 年的三倍。这种变化带来了种种或大或小的麻烦,小的如 学校里到处是说西班牙语的小学生,大的如 2008 年西班牙裔和索马里裔肉联厂主之间的冲

突。 In Fremont, as in many other such towns, the Hispanic population has surged. Between 2000 and 2008 the Hispanic share of Fremont’s population grew from 4.3% to 7.8%. Meanwhile Fremont’s white population dipped. Les Leech, Fremont Beef’s president, says that his company would have struggled without immigrants. “I didn’t need cheap labour. I needed labour,” he explains. 在弗里蒙特,如同许多同类城镇,西班牙裔人口正快速猛增。在 2000-2008 年间,西班牙裔 在弗里蒙特总人口中占比从 4.3% 上升到 7.8%。与此同时,弗里蒙特的白人人口却在缓慢 下降。Fremont Beef 肉联厂总裁 Les Leech 说如果没有移民他的厂子会很麻烦。“我不需要廉 价劳动力,我需要的是劳动力。”他解释道。 Not everyone has been encouraged by the change. The vote on June 21st followed more than two years of rancour. A city councilman proposed the ordinance in 2008, demanding that the city should evaluate the legal status of all renters and force businesses to check workers’ documents with a federal database, E-Verify. (The language was drafted by the same lawyer who helped craft Arizona’s recent anti-immigrant law.) After a failed council vote, a petition drive and a legal brawl to stop the referendum, in April Nebraska’s Supreme Court ruled that a vote should proceed. It was approved by 57% to 43%. 并非所有人都为这种变化而欢欣鼓舞。6 月 21 日的投票之前已有两年多的敌意对抗。一名 市议会议员早在 2008 年就提出该法案,要求审核所有租房户的法律地位,并强制企业主通 过联邦数据库“电子身份认证系统”(E-Verify)查验雇员的文档(该法案的起草者是一名律 师,他也帮助起草了亚利桑那州最近的反移民法) 。在市议会投票、请愿运动和法律争议阻 止无效后, 今年 4 月份, 内布拉斯加州高等法院裁定付诸公投。 最终, 新法令以 57% 比 43% 获得通过。 It is unclear how the new law will curb illegal immigration. Hormel and Fremont Beef, the big local meatpackers, already use E-Verify. The plants themselves are outside city limits, as are trailer parks such as the Regency. “You’ve got to start somewhere,” insists Mr Hart. 新法令对非法移民会产生怎样的限制目前尚不清楚。当地的大型肉联厂 Hormel 和 Fremont Beef 已经在使用“电子身份认证系统”。肉联厂本身处在城镇边界之外,Regency 这样的拖车 场也一样。“你必须去别的地方重起炉灶。”Hart 先生坚持道。 The most likely result, however, is further strife. Susana Patino, a Hispanic-American born in Texas, works at a local tool-and-dye business. Her husband, born in Mexico, has been promoted at Hormel. But she worries about her family and friends. “It’s stupid, crazy,” she says, bewildered. “We helped Fremont to grow.” 然而,最可能的结果可能是进一步的冲突。一位出生在德克萨斯州的西裔美国人 Susana Patino 在当地一家模具制造公司上班, 她出生在墨西哥的丈夫已在 Hormel 肉联厂获得提升。 但是她为家人和朋友担心。“这一切太愚蠢、太疯狂了,”她不解地说,“我们帮助了弗里蒙 特成长。” 第八篇
Green.view

绿色观察

True-bluefin 绝对正品 Farming one of the ocean’s greatest fish 蓝鳍金枪鱼的养殖 DURING May and June, when the mighty bluefin tuna returns to the Mediterranean to spawn, fishermen arrive from all over the world to catch it (click here to watch a video). In days gone by, the fish were netted and killed on the spot. Now, in high-tech operations involving divers and video cameras, they are transferred from the nets into “farms”—arrays of cages anchored to the sea floor from Spain to Malta, to be fattened up. Then, come October, they are sold to Japanese boats, killed, frozen and shipped to Japan. 每年 5、6 月份是强大的蓝鳍金枪鱼群游回地中海产卵的季节,世界各地的渔民们纷纷汇聚 于此迎接金枪鱼的到来。以往鱼民们用网捕鱼,将鱼当场宰杀。现在,借助于潜水设备和摄 像机等高科技装置的帮助, 渔民们将捕获的金枪鱼转移到养殖网箱内进行人工养殖。 在从西 班牙到马耳他的广阔海域内,张起了一片片的网箱,这些网箱用锚固定在海底。到了 10 月 的时候,日本的船只会前来收购这些金枪鱼,宰杀和冷冻后,将这些鱼运回日本。 It is a lucrative arrangement. Anthony Grupetta, the director general of agriculture and fisheries regulation in Malta, says that in those few months most farmers can increase the weight of a wild-caught bluefin by 27-30%. (He claims the Maltese farms do better than this, but does not say exactly how much better.) The cages do not cost much, and the fish fed to a tuna are worth a lot less than the added kilos of tuna-meat that result. What is more, Japanese buyers prefer fish raised this way. They say the quality of the meat from a bluefin killed straight after being caught is less tasty, as the fish has been stressed. 这是一个利润丰厚的行业。安东尼?格鲁皮塔(Anthony Grupetta)是马耳他农业和渔业管理 局局长, 他介绍说在短短几个月的时间里这些捕获的野生蓝鳍金枪鱼的重量大多数可以增加 27-30%。他声称马耳他养殖的金枪鱼重量增加的还要多一些,但没有精确地说出增加了多 少。网箱花费不大,而投喂饲料鱼的花费与金枪鱼增重相比是太值得了。更重要的是,日本 买家偏爱这种人工饲养的鱼。他们认为,捕获后直接宰杀的鱼肉质不太好,理由是鱼处于一 种紧张的状态下被宰杀。 Charlie Azzopardi, the managing director of Azzopardi Fisheries, which runs two of Malta’s seven farms, brought the idea of raising caged bluefin to Malta ten years ago, after seeing it done in Spain and Australia. According to Mr Azzopardi the bluefin industry now generates about 1.5% of Malta’s GDP. Japanese freezer boats take 95% of his production. The other 5% is sold fresh, to order, at all times of year. It can be a precarious business, though. A collapse in demand meant the price of bluefin fell by 40% last year and Mr Azzopardi chose to keep his fish on the farm until prices improved. On the supply side, fishermen complain that the size of the bluefin they are catching has plummeted in recent years. That reduction in individual size could be the result of a

reduction in the tuna population that is causing fewer fish to reach maturity. 马耳他 7 个蓝鳍金枪鱼养殖场中有两个属于阿泽帕迪渔业公司(Azzopardi Fisheries) ,查理? 阿泽帕迪(Charlie Azzopardi)是该公司的常务董事,他在十年前目睹了西班牙和澳大利亚 进行的蓝鳍金枪鱼网箱养殖后,将从事这一事业的想法带回马耳他。按阿泽帕迪的说法,现 在马耳他蓝鳍金枪鱼养殖业的产出约占该国 GDP 的 1.5%,而其中 95%的鱼被日本的冷冻 船运走了。 余下 5%的鱼被继续养殖在网箱中, 在一年中任何时候都可以按照订单随要随杀。 然而, 金枪鱼养殖不是一个稳定的行业。 去年由于需求的迅速减少而导致蓝鳍金枪鱼价格下 降了 40%,阿泽帕迪的选择是将鱼留在网箱内,什么时候鱼价回升再捞出来。渔民是网箱 养鱼的上家,他们也抱怨说,最近几年捕捞的蓝鳍金枪鱼个头大幅降低。金枪鱼个头减小的 原因可能是这种鱼的总的数量减少了,进而导致成年个体金枪鱼的减少。 Related items ? Trade in endangered species: Fishy businessMar 25th 2010 ? Bluefin tuna: Eaten awayMar 18th 2010 ? Banyan: Not whaling but drowningMar 11th 2010 可参见本刊曾刊登的下列相关文章: 可参见本刊曾刊登的下列相关文章: 濒危物种贸易:渔业 (Trade in endangered species: Fishy business) 2010 年 3 月 25 日 蓝鳍金枪鱼:捕净吃绝 (Bluefin tuna: Eaten away)2010 年 3 月 18 日 榕树:沉溺(Banyan: Not whaling but drowning )2010 年 3 月 11 日 Mr Azzopardi says that despite the warnings from scientists, he does not believe the numbers of wild fish are falling. A number of green groups disagree, and believe that the quota allowed for fishing in these parts is far too high. One activist group, Greenpeace, has attempted to take matters into its own hands and has made several attacks on legal tuna-fishing operations over the past few weeks. 阿泽帕迪先生说,尽管科学家们发出了警告,他还是不相信野生金枪鱼的数量正在下降。许 多环保组织对此表示反对, 并认为在这些地区允许捕鱼的限额太高。 绿色和平组织提倡积极 采取行动, 一直试图靠他们自己去解决这个问题, 并在过去几个星期内对合法的金枪鱼捕鱼 作业发动了几次袭击。 Things might be better for the bluefin if it were possible to breed them in captivity, as well as raising them there. Though they call it farming, what Mr Azzopardi and his competitors are engaged in is actually more like ranching. Real husbandry nurtures animals from birth to death rather than just fattening up wild-caught individuals. That could bring economic benefits. It would also, some people think, take the pressure off wild stocks. 如果不仅能够人工养殖蓝鳍金枪鱼, 还能够让捕获的鱼在喂养状态下进行繁殖, 则蓝鳍金枪 鱼数量下降的局面可能就会得到改善。 虽然叫养殖, 但阿泽帕迪和他的竞争对手们所从事的 其实更像是在大海牧鱼。真正的养殖是指动物从出生到死亡的全过程都在饲养状态下进行, 而不是仅仅将野外捕捉的动物个体进行饲养催肥。 真正的养殖可以在经济上获利。 还有些人 认为,这样的措施还可以减轻野生种群面临的生存压力。

Clean Seas Tuna, an Australian company, has been working on the idea of farming bluefins for more than a decade, and seems to have made some progress. Last year it posted a video on YouTube showing baby southern bluefin that it had bred. 澳大利亚的净海金枪鱼公司(Clean Seas Tuna)在 10 余年的时间里一直致力于蓝鳍金枪鱼 的养殖,该公司在这方面似乎已经取得了一些进展。去年,它在 YouTube 网站上挂的一段 视频显示该公司孵化出了南方蓝鳍金枪鱼的幼苗。 But there is more to farming than just breeding. A recurring problem for tuna-rearers is “spooking and walling”. Alex Mühlh?lzl of Oceanic Tuna, a company based in Scotland which also claims to be able to breed bluefin, explains that the fish are easily frightened. In the sea, there are no walls and a frightened fish’s best escape is to swim off very fast indeed in whatever direction takes its fancy. In tanks and cages, however, this is a bad—often fatal—strategy. 但养殖不仅仅是育种。金枪鱼养殖者遇到的下一个问题是“惊吓与围栏”海洋金枪鱼公司 (Oceanic Tuna)位于苏格兰,该公司声称也能够繁殖蓝鳍金枪鱼。该公司的亚历克斯?米赫 尔茨尔(Alex Mühlh?lzl)解释说,这种鱼胆子很小。在大海上没有围栏,金枪鱼受到惊吓 后的应急反应就是朝它们选定的方向以极快的速度游走。 然而在网箱和养殖笼内, 这种方式 很不明智,常常会要了它们的命。 Another argument against both ranching and farming is that the tuna still have to be fed, and that means with other fish caught from the wild. But this could change. In the case of salmon, a carnivorous species that is now farmed routinely, it has proved possible to mix veggies and other sources of protein into the fish’s chow. The fish content of salmon food has been reduced from 70% in 1972 to around 20% today, says Kjell Bjordal, the head of Ewos, a Norwegian fish-food company. 另一种观点对金枪鱼的养殖和放牧都表示反对, 理由是这两种方式仍然都需要捕捉其它野生 鱼类喂养金枪鱼。但这也可以改变。鲑鱼是一种现在常规养殖的食肉性鱼类,已经证实在这 种鱼的饲料中混入蔬菜和其它含蛋白质的成份是可行的。谢尔?比尤达尔(Kjell Bjordal)是 一家挪威鱼饲料公司 Ewos 的老板,他介绍说,鲑鱼食料中鱼所占的比例已经由 1972 年的 70%下降到目前的 20%左右。 Feeding has also become more efficient. Mr Bjordal says that for salmon the conversion rate—the number of kilos of food needed for a gain of one kilo of body weight—is now almost 1.1:1. For tuna it can be as bad as 6:1. But that is where salmon farming was 35 years ago, so there is plenty of scope for improvement. 饲养的效率也提高了。比尤达尔说,鲑鱼的转换率(每公斤体重增长所需饲料)现在已经接 近 1.1:1。而金枪鱼的这一比例最糟糕的情况下可达 6:1。但鲑鱼的养殖用了 35 年时间才达 到现在这种效率,所以金枪鱼养殖还有很大的改进余地。 If bluefin could be farmed routinely, it might bring the price down, relieving pressure on wild

stocks, as happened with salmon. That would be a boon to the hungry consumer. It would also be a boon to the species itself, though—again, as with salmon—the wild animal might become a premium product in its own right. 如果蓝鳍金枪鱼能够进行常规养殖,就可能将价格降下来,减轻对野生种群的压力,就像曾 出现在鲑鱼的现象一样。 嗜好这种鱼的消费者将有幸大饱口福了。 而这对蓝鳍金枪鱼来说也 是幸事。但与鲑鱼的情况一样,这样一来野生金枪鱼可能会成为更加难得一品的珍肴了。

第九篇
Schumpeter 熊彼特

Too many chiefs 首席官泛滥 Inflation in job titles is approaching Weimar levels 职衔的膨胀正在接近魏玛时代 KIM JONG IL, the North Korean dictator, is not normally a trendsetter. But in one area he is clearly leading the pack: job-title inflation. Mr Kim has 1,200 official titles, including, roughly translated, guardian deity of the planet, ever-victorious general, lodestar of the 21st century, supreme commander at the forefront of the struggle against imperialism and the United States, eternal bosom of hot love and greatest man who ever lived. 北朝鲜的独裁者金正日在服装样式上并不是一个引领时尚的人。 但要论起职衔膨胀来, 引领 这股潮流的非他莫属。金正日的正式头衔有 1200 个,这些头衔大致可以译成“地球的守护 神”、“常胜将军”、“21 世纪的北斗星”、“反美反帝最前线的最高司令官”、“永怀热爱”和“有 史以来最伟大的人”等等。 When it comes to job titles, we live in an age of rampant inflation. Everybody you come across seems to be a chief or president of some variety. Title inflation is producing its own vocabulary: “uptitling” and “title-fluffing”. It is also producing technological aids. One website provides a simple formula: just take your job title, mix in a few grand words, such as “global”, “interface” and “customer”, and hey presto. 我们生活在一个职衔膨胀无法抑制的时代。你遇到的每一个人似乎都可能是某某“首席官” 或总裁。职衔膨胀现象正在产生一些专有词汇,如“职衔提升”(uptitling)和“职衔浮夸” (title-fluffing)等。为此还引出了技术咨询行当。一个网站提供了一个简单的公式,只需在 你的职衔里混进几个冠冕堂皇的单词,如“全球”、“接口”和“顾客”等,就像变戏法似的立马

就出现一个能唬人的新职衔。 The rot starts at the top. Not that long ago companies had just two or three “chief” whatnots. Now they have dozens, collectively called the “c-suite”. A few have more than one chief executive officer; CB Richard Ellis, a property-services firm, has four. A growing number have chiefs for almost everything from knowledge to diversity. Southwest Airlines has a chief Twitter officer. Coca-Cola and Marriott have chief blogging officers. Kodak has one of those too, along with a chief listening officer. 俗话说“上梁不正下梁歪”,这股风气还是从上层开始刮起的。不久以前各公司挂“首席”头衔 的也就那么两、三个人。而现在挂有“首席官”头衔的人有好几十,可把他们统称为“首席官 一族”了。有的公司首席执行官就不止一个。世邦魏理仕(CB Richard Ellis)是一家物业服 务公司,它有 4 个首席执行官。拥有“首席”头衔的人越来越多,其名目五花八门,甚至令人 匪夷所思。西南航空公司(Southwest Airlines )就有一位首席推特官(chief Twitter officer) 。 可口可乐和万豪(Marriott)都有多位首席博客官。柯达也有一位类似的首席官,而且还有 一位首席收听官(chief listening officer) 。 Even so, chiefs are relatively rare compared with presidents and their various declensions (vice-, assistant-, etc). Almost everybody in banking from the receptionist upwards is a president of some sort. The number of members of LinkedIn, a professional network, with the title vice-president grew 426% faster than the membership of the site as a whole in 2005-09. The inflation rate for presidents was 312% and for chiefs a mere 275%. 即便如此,首席官较之于总裁或挂有总裁二字的头衔(如副总裁,总裁助理等)相比还是稀 罕之物。在银行从接待员以上的几乎所有人都是某某总。LinkedIn 是一家专业网站,在 2005-2009 年间,其会员中有副总裁头衔者数量的增长比普通会员快了 426%。总裁头衔的 膨胀率是 312%,而首席官头衔的膨胀率仅为 275%。 Title-fluffing is as rampant among the indians as among the chiefs. America’s International Association of Administrative Professionals—formerly the National Secretaries Association—reports that it has more than 500 job-titles under its umbrella, ranging from front-office co-ordinator to electronic-document specialist. Paper boys are “media distribution officers”. Binmen are “recycling officers”. Lavatory cleaners are “sanitation consultants”. Sandwich-makers at Subway have the phrase “sandwich artist” emblazoned on their lapels. Even the normally linguistically pure French have got in on the act: cleaning ladies are becoming “techniciennes de surface” (surface technicians). 基层员工对华丽职衔的渴求毫不逊于那些首席官们。 美国国际管理专业协会 (也就是原来的 全国秘书协会)报告说,在它的大旗下有 500 多种职衔,从行政事务协调专员到电子文档专 员等等,无所不有。报童可以称为“媒体配送官”。垃圾回收工是“回收官”。厕所清洁工是“卫 生顾问”。在地铁入口现做现卖三明治的大师傅也在翻领上印有“三明治艺术家”的字样。甚 至讲究语言纯净的法国人也加入到这个行列中,清洁女工变成了“techniciennes de surface” (表面技术人员) 。

What is going on here? The most immediate explanation is the economic downturn: bosses are doling out ever fancier titles as a substitute for pay raises and bonuses. But there are also structural reasons for the trend. The most basic is the growing complexity of businesses. Many not only have presidents and vice-presidents for this or that product line, but also presidents and vice-presidents for various regions. Put the two together and you have a recipe for ever-longer business cards: vice-president for photocopiers Asia-Pacific, for example. 这到底是怎么了?造成这种现象的最直接原因应该就是经济衰退了。 老板们没有钱给员工涨 工资、发奖金,就给员工们一些非常华丽的职衔,使他们获得某种满足。但这种趋势也有结 构性的原因。 最主要的原因是企业的日益复杂化。 许多公司不仅有负责各项产品的总裁和副 总裁,而且还任命了负责各地区的总裁和副总裁。把这两者加在一起,名片上的头衔就愈来 愈长。例如,亚太地区复印机副总裁。 The cult of flexibility is also inflationary. The fashion for flattening hierarchies has had the paradoxical effect of multiplying meaningless job titles. Workers crave important-sounding titles to give them the illusion of ascending the ranks. Managers who no longer have anyone to manage are fobbed off with inflated titles, much as superannuated politicians are made Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster or Lord President of the Council. Everybody, from the executive suite downward, wants to fluff up their résumé as a hedge against being sacked. 对灵活性的推崇也助推了职衔的膨胀。各企业纷纷效仿的扁平化管理本意是要减少管理层 次,但结果事与愿违,反而多出了许多无意义的职衔。员工们渴望获得冠冕堂皇的头衔,这 使他们产生了一种得到升迁的幻觉。 手下已经没有一位员工的光杆经理们只要给他们的头衔 再大一点就能被搪塞过去,就像给过气的政治家们一个兰开斯特公爵郡大臣(Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster)或枢密院议长(Lord President of the Council)这样的荣誉头衔一样。 在官场上走下坡路的每个人在被解职后出于自我保护都会摆出一幅依然大权在握的架势。 Firms also use fancy job titles to signal that they are au fait with the latest fashion. The fad for greenery is producing legions of chief sustainability officers and green ambassadors. BP’s travails will undoubtedly have the same effect: we can expect a bull market in chief safety officers and chief apology officers. 各公司还利用花哨的职衔表明它们能够紧跟时尚。 对“绿色”的追风导致了首席可持续发展官 和绿色大使的涌现。 英国石油公司目前的痛苦经历无疑也会带来首席安全官和首席道歉官进 入牛市的效果。 The American technology sector has been a champion of title inflation. It has created all sorts of newfangled jobs that have to be given names, and it is also full of linguistically challenged geeks who have a taste for “humorous” titles. Steve Jobs calls himself “chief know it all”. Jerry Yang and David Filo, the founders of Yahoo!, call themselves “chief Yahoos”. Thousands of IT types dub themselves things like (chief) scrum master, guru, evangelist or, a particular favourite at the moment, ninja. 在美国, 技术部门始终引领头衔膨胀的先军。 千奇百怪的新技术岗位当然需要配上个动听的

名称,即使对那些喜好“幽默”头衔的极客们来说,这也充满了语言学上的挑战。史蒂夫?乔 布斯(Steve Jobs)称自己为“首席无所不知”。雅虎的创始人杨致远(Jerry Yang)和大卫? 费罗(David Filo)竟然将自己称为“首席雅虎”!成千上万的 IT 人士喜欢将自己称为(首席) 敏捷开发师、 (首席)古鲁、 (首席)布道官等等,现在是特别流行(首席)忍者这个头衔。 But leadership in title inflation, as in so much else, is passing to the developing world, particularly India and China. Both countries have a longstanding obsession with hierarchy (fancy job titles can be the key to getting a bride as well as the admiration of your friends). They also have tight labour markets. The result is an explosion of titles. Companies have taken to creating baffling jobs such as “outbound specialist”. They have also taken to staging public celebrations of promotions from, say, assistant deputy director to principal assistant deputy director. 就像很多其它方面一样,头衔膨胀的领导地位也正转让给发展中国家,特别是印度和中国。 这两个国家长期以来都困扰于等级制度, 能否拥有一个花哨的职衔甚至攸关能否娶到新娘和 赢得朋友的钦佩。他们也有劳动力短缺的问题。这些原因加在一起导致了头衔的爆炸。各公 司纷纷推出令人匪夷所思的岗位,如“境外专员”等。各公司还采取分步实施全员大晋升的策 略,比如说将所有的副主任助理都晋升为首席副主任助理,让所有员工皆大欢喜。 Inflated benefits, understated drawbacks 职衔膨胀带来的益处被高估,弊端未予重视 Does any of this matter? Title inflation clearly does violence to the language. But isn’t that par for the course in the corporate world? And isn’t it a small price to pay for corporate harmony? The snag is that the familiar problems of monetary inflation apply to job-title inflation as well. The benefits of giving people a fancy new title are usually short-lived. The harm is long-lasting. People become cynical about their monikers (particularly when they are given in lieu of pay rises). Organisations become more Ruritanian. The job market becomes more opaque. How do you work out the going rate for “vision controller of multiplatform and portfolio” (the BBC)? Or a “manager of futuring and innovation-based strategies” (the American Cancer Society)? 职衔膨胀难道就一无是处吗?职衔膨胀对语言显然是一种摧残, 但在企业界这还不是意料之 中的事吗?为了企业的和谐, 付出这样一点代价难道还不值得吗?问题在于如何将我们熟悉 的对付通货膨胀的办法用在对付职衔膨胀上。 给员工一个花哨的新职衔所得到的好处通常时 间不会太长。但危害却长期存在。人们对他们的名头开始产生怀疑(特别是在只给头衔而不 加薪的情况下) 。组织则更像是一个鲁里坦尼亚王国。就业市场变得更加难以琢磨。你如何 推算英国广播公司的“跨平台与服务组合寻梦控制官”(vision controller of multiplatform and portfolio ) 或 美 国癌 症协会 的 “ 以创 新为 基础 的战略 和 前景 经理 ” ( vision controller of multiplatform and portfolio)现在的市场行情哪? And, far from providing people with more security, fancy titles can often make them more expendable. Companies might hesitate before sacking an IT adviser. But what about a chief scrum master? The essence of inflation, after all, is that it devalues everything that it touches. 而且戴上一顶花哨的头衔不但不能使现有岗位更加牢靠,反而增加了失去这份工作的危险。

公司在解雇一名 IT 顾问前可能会犹豫一番。但如果是要解聘一个首席敏捷开发师恐拍眼睛 都不会眨一下。总之,头衔膨胀实际上是将其所及的岗位都贬值了。

第十篇
中国商业:国美辉煌将成追忆?
Business in China 中国商业 Going, Gome, gone? 国美辉煌将成追忆? China’s richest man disappears, and his company hits a wall 中国首富不知所踪,国美发展遭遇瓶颈

WHATEVER your notion of what constitutes good corporate governance for a listed company, having an important executive arrested is a problem. But not even being able to say whether, or why, an executive has been arrested is worse. Such is the lot of Gome, China’s largest electronics retailer, with 12% of the market, about half as much again as its nearest rival. In a few months Gome has gone from an example of extraordinary success, as it served China’s pent-up consumer demand, to an example of the murky and fragile state of Chinese business. 对于上市公司来说,无论你对良好公司治理的构成要素持何种见解,重要管理人 员被拘留肯定是个大问题,更糟的是,该上市公司甚至不能给出关于其是否被拘 留或拘留原因的确切说法。这就是中国最大的电器零售商–国美(Gome)目前 的境况,该公司占行业 12%的市场份额,约为其最大竞争对手的 1.5 倍。短短数 月, 国美已经由中国被抑制的消费者需求下成功的典范沦为中国企业混乱和不堪 一击的缩影。 Gome is in trouble partly for reasons beyond its control: the impact of an economic slowdown on clearly chastened Chinese consumers. But it is also at risk because of the way it is managed. In September Gome’s founder and chairman, Huang Guangyu (pictured), was being described as Asia’s equivalent of Sam Walton, the founder of Wal-Mart. The Hurun Report, a newsletter, calculated that he was China’s richest man, with a fortune of $6.3 billion. Approximately $2 billion of that came from a 36% direct stake in Gome, and the rest from a hotch-potch of other investments in property, shares and an unusual private company that owns 450 of Gome’s 1,300 branches.

国美陷入困境,部分缘于经济增速减缓给谨慎的中国消费者带来的影响,这是国 美所无法控制的。但公司本身的管理问题也使公司处境甚危。9 月,国美电器主 席及创始人黄光裕被称为”亚洲的山姆?沃尔顿(Sam Walton)”,后者是沃尔玛 (Wal-Mart)的创始人。据《胡润百富榜》(Hurun Report)统计,黄光裕身价 63 亿 美元,为中国首富,其中约 20 亿美元来自其持有的约 36%的国美股份,其余来 自于地产、股票投资以及一家不寻常的私营企业,该私企拥有国美 1300 多家门 店中的 450 家。 Mr Huang’s business dealings have raised questions in the past. In 2006 he was investigated in relation to a large government loan which was said to have funded Gome’s initial growth. But other than an announcement of exoneration, details of the case were never disclosed. Any residual concerns were allayed to some extent by Gome’s extraordinary growth. In the past two years it has bought out two rivals and opened more than 100 branches. Its revenues grew by 72% in 2007, and increased by 20% in the first nine months of this year, driven by demand for televisions to watch the Olympics and for washing-machines and refrigerators to furnish new homes. 黄先生的业务往来在过去就已经出现问题。2006 年,他因一项较大的政府贷款 接受警方调查,据说这些资金支撑了国美最初的发展。但除了一则声明无罪的公 告,该事件的细节从未揭露。而对此事遗留的关注也由于国美杰出的发展在某种 程度上有所减轻。在过去两年,国美收购了两家竞争对手,增开百余家门店。由 于观看奥运会对电视机销量的刺激以及新房对洗衣机、冰箱的需求,2007 年其 收入增幅为 72%,今年前三季度增幅为 20%。 Along with this growth, however, came an increase in debt, both to purchase inventory and to pay for expansion. Gome’s share price started to fall in June, along with the share prices of other Chinese retailers, as it became apparent that China’s housing boom was losing momentum. On November 18th, for no apparent reason, Gome’s share price parted company from those of its competitors, and the slide suddenly became a rout. 与收入增长一同到来的是债务的增加, 国美的存货购进和发展扩张给它带来巨额 债务。随着中国房市逐渐失去发展动力,国美股价于 6 月开始下跌,其它中国零 售商股价亦同时下跌。11 月 18 日,国美股价没有任何明显原因的与其竞争者分 道扬镳,下滑突然演变成溃退。 Six days later a website run by Caijing, a business magazine, reported that Mr Huang had been detained by police on November 19th for insider trading in the shares of Shandong Jintai Group, a pharmaceutical company controlled by his brother, the share price of which had soared and then crashed last year. Police in Beijing confirmed that Mr Huang was under investigation, but did not give any further details. Other Chinese publications reported that Mr Huang had been detained as part of an investigation into bribes paid to government officials in exchange for the right to list on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange in 2004. Some reports suggested that political

change in southern China, where Mr Huang is from, may have altered the regulatory environment to his disadvantage. 6 天以后,商业杂志《财经》(Caijing)运营的《财经网》报道,黄先生已于 11 月 19 号遭公安机关拘留,缘于对其兄控股的制药企业山东金泰集团(Shandong Jintai Group)的股票进行内部交易,该股票在去年先大涨后大跌。北京公安已经 证实黄先生正在接受调查,但没有透露任何细节。其它中国报刊则声称,黄被拘 查是因为涉及向政府官员行贿以获得 2004 年香港证券交易所(Hong Kong Stock Exchange)上市的权利。也有些报道指出,由于其家乡中国南部发生政治变动, 制度环境也产生了对他不利的变化。 In the face of all this speculation Gome has been at a loss. The company could not even confirm whether or not Mr Huang had been detained, saying only that it was “making necessary inquiries” in an effort to “verify the allegations”. Trading in Gome’s shares on Hong Kong’s stock exchange was suspended on November 24th. The stock exchange requires companies to provide information on factors which could affect the share price. Gome’s response is that it cannot provide information it does not have-an argument that may provide legal cover, but is hardly reassuring. Mr Huang himself has vanished. 面对所有的这些猜测,国美显得茫然不知所措,他们甚至不能证实黄先生是否被 拘捕,仅声称他们正在”做必要的调查”以”核实传言”。而国美股票也于 11 月 24 日在香港证券交易所停止交易,待影响股价的相关信息公布后方可开始交 易。国美的回应是他们不能提供他们不知道的信息,这是一个合法的借口,但很 难令人信服。而黄本人也不知去向。 Gome’s big suppliers have pledged their support for the company. They would certainly not want to lose such a big distributor in today’s difficult economic climate. Gome’s accounts show that a large bond must be refinanced by May 2010. No one extends credit these days without feeling confident about the recipient. If Gome does not change, it will be gone. 国美的大型供货商已表示,将继续为国美提供支持,在如今艰难的经济气候下, 他们肯定不愿失去国美这样的大型分销商。但国美账户显示,到 2010 年 5 月, 有大量债券到期。现如今,假使对借方没有信心,任何人都不会发放贷款。如果 国美不进行变革,它的所有辉煌都将成为过往。

第十一篇
北京经济: 北京经济:冲刺金牌 Going for gold 冲刺金牌
The Olympics have not brought Beijing’s businesses the boom they hoped for ’ 奥运到来,预期伴随而来的经济繁荣却没有到来 奥运到来,预期伴随而来的经济繁荣却没有到来

YABAO ROAD in Beijing’s embassy district is normally bustling. Russian traders scour its wholesale shops for furs and boots. Hawkers throng the pavements. The street is jammed with taxis and pedicabs. But the Olympic games have begun. Yabao Road is now strangely quiet. 位于北京使馆区的雅宝路平日里总是熙熙攘攘。俄罗斯商人们逛遍批发毛皮、靴 子的店铺。小贩们沿街叫卖。各种货运车穿梭于街上。但是,奥运会开始了,此 时的雅宝路出奇的安静。 Only a few months ago many shopkeepers, restaurants and hotels were expecting these to be boom times as big-spending foreigners flocked in for the games. Today many businessmen in and around the capital are disgruntled. So too are other citizens who find that even some outdoor food markets have been closed as part of an Olympic spruce-up. 几个月以前,许多商家、餐馆和旅店还满心期待大批外国消费者在奥运之际涌入 会给他们带来无限商机。如今,不但许多首都或周围的商人都闷闷不乐,其他一 些居民也发现, (政府) 为了奥运期间街面整洁, 甚至关闭了一些露天食品市场。 This should be a busy season for Yabao Road, as Russians arrive to make bulk orders of clothing for the winter and other cheap goods. But Chinese traders say the Russians, like other foreigners, have suffered from the tighter visa requirements introduced by China in the build-up to the games. They say police checkpoints ringing the city and restrictions on lorry traffic entering Beijing have made it much more difficult to bring in goods. One shipping-company manager says that demand from traders for commercial space in Yabao Road has fallen sharply. (每年)大批俄罗斯人来到这,大批购买冬季衣物和其他廉价商品,此时本应是 雅宝路的忙碌期。但许多中国商人表示,俄国人和其他外国人一样,受到了中国 为筹备奥运而启动的更加严格签证限制。他们称,由于安检关口遍布全城和运货

卡车进入受限,进货更加困难了。一位轮船公司负责人表示,雅宝路商业需求大 幅下降。 Official predictions for foreign visitor numbers in August are vague. Figures ranging from 400,000 to 500,000 are commonly cited (in August 2007 there were 420,000 visits by foreigners). But for many months these estimates have hardly been revised, despite signs that there are far fewer arrivals from abroad than expected. In June visits to Beijing by foreigners (including citizens of Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan) were down by nearly 20% compared with June 2007. Figures this week showed that in July they fell by more than 30% compared with last year, to 270,000, with Russian arrivals down by 47%. 官方给出的八月外国游客预期人数并不精确,通常是 40 万到 50 万的预计范围 (2007 年外国游客为 42 万人次)。但是尽管有迹象显示,外国游客人数比前期 预计大大减少,上述预计多月来却并没有调整。6 月抵京的外地(包括香港、澳 门和台湾)游客人数比去年同期下降了将近 20%。本周的数据显示,7 月上述人 数比去年下降逾 30%,跌至 27 万人次,其中俄罗斯下降 47%。 Officials say one-fifth of rooms at the city’ 120-odd designated Olympic hotels were s unoccupied after the games started on August 8th (they finish on the 24th). But no figures have been published for the 700 others. Price-cutting at many hotels suggests there may be a glut of rooms. Some bars and restaurants say business is lacklustre too. The owner of one upmarket nightclub says he had been expecting a packed house “all night, every night up until dawn” during the games. But in fact business is much as usual. 官方称,在 8 月 8 日奥运开幕后(将于 24 后闭幕),北京 120 来家的奥运签约 旅店,五分之一的房间空闲。还有 700 间并未对外发布。许多旅店纷纷降价,预 示着或许房屋供过于求。一些酒吧和餐厅也表示生意一般。一位高档夜店的所有 人呢表示,他曾预计奥运期间”整晚、每晚通宵” 都客满,但是实际上,生意 跟往日差不了多少。 At least the police are not rigorously enforcing a threatened ban on carousing after 2am. They have, however, cracked down on prostitution, depriving many of Beijing’ s seedier bars and night-shift taxi drivers of business. Olympic traffic controls and security measures, as well as the lure of sport on television, seem to be keeping people at home anyway. 至少警方这次不强制禁止凌晨 2 点后的狂欢行为了。尽管他们取缔了卖淫活动, 并使许多低级酒吧和夜间出租停业。无论如何,奥运期间交通管制和安全措施联 同电视体育比赛的吸引力,似乎使得人们闭门不出。 Manufacturers are also suffering more than they had expected. To curb pollution during the games, the authorities have closed all construction sites in Beijing as well as dozens of factories and quarries in and around the city for two months. Others have

been ordered to cut production. Some, such as the Beijing Eastern Chemical Works, are keeping workers occupied by getting them to repair machinery. But at the nearby plant of Beijing East Asia Aluminium Industry, a worker says that hundreds of employees are staying at home on basic pay. The factory has not been ordered to shut, she says, but has had to close because of transport problems caused by the games. Officials have given warning that many more factories could be closed if more drastic measures are needed to clear the (still smoggy) air. 制造商们也遭受了比预期更高的打击。为了遏制奥运期间的污染,官方关闭了北 京的所有建筑工地、市内及周围的许多工厂和采石场,为期 2 个月。其他工厂被 勒令减产。包括北京东方化工厂在内的一些工厂让工人们修理机器。北京东亚铝 业有限公司临近的一家工厂的一位工人表示, 许许多多工人待在家里并享受基本 工资。她说,工厂不是被命令关闭的,而是不得不关闭,因为奥运使得运输成为 问题。官方已发布通告,为了改善空气质量(烟尘仍然笼罩),如有需要,可能 会关闭更多的工厂。 Many economists say the disruptions are unlikely to have a lasting impact on economic growth in the city. Last year Beijing’s output grew by 12.3%. In the first six months of 2008 it grew by 11% compared with the same period a year ago. Officials say this pace is likely to be maintained for the rest of the year, in line with a slight slowing of China’s overall growth-rate. JP Morgan Chase, an investment bank, said in a recent research note that industrial and construction activity hit by the games should “rebound” after the Olympics. In the meantime, the games are not winning any medals from Beijing’s businessmen. 许多经济学家都表示,生产中断不大可能对北京经济增长造成长远影响。去年, 北京产出增长了 12.3%。2008 年的头 6 个月比去年同期增长了 11%。官方称, 今年接下去的几个月很有可能保持这个增长速度, (尽管)中国的总体经济增长 速度有轻微下滑。投资银行 JP 摩根大通曾表示,最近的研究显示,奥运影响的 工业和建筑业活动将在比赛结束后”重新兴起”。在此期间,北京的商业人士不 会给奥运颁发奖牌。

第十二篇
经济聚焦: 经济聚焦:言过其实的论断 Economics focus 经济聚焦 Inflated claims 言过其实的论断

Aug 14th 2008 From The Economist print edition Why China is not to blame for the surge in global inflation 为何中国不应该为全球通胀飙升承担责任

MANY people in America and Europe think that the recent surge in inflation, like almost everything else these days, is “made in China” For a number of years, cheap . Chinese goods helped to reduce prices in rich economies, but more recently wages and prices have surged in China. On top of this, the hungry dragon’s insatiable appetite for food, energy and other raw materials has given cartoonists an emotive image for the surge in global commodity prices. As a result, it is claimed, China is no longer exporting deflation to the rich world, but inflation. 美国与欧洲的许多人认为最近的通货膨胀像是现在许多别的物品一样,都是”中 国制造”。许多年来,便宜的中国商品降低了许多发达国家的物价水平,但是最 近中国国内的工资与物价水平飙升不少。除此之外,饥饿之龙对粮食、能源和其 它原材料无法满足的食欲给了漫画家一个全球商品价格飙升的动感形象。因此, 有了这样的断言:中国对于发达国家不再是通货紧缩的出口国,而是通货膨胀的 出口国。 China’s inflation rate did indeed hit almost 9% earlier this year (by July it had fallen to 6.3%). And after declining for several years, the prices of America’s imports from China jumped by 5.3% in the year to July, pushing up the prices of goods in Wal-Mart, where many Americans shop. However, import prices from China are rising more slowly than the cost of goods from elsewhere: the average price of manufactured goods imported into America from industrialised countries rose by 10.1% over the past year (see left-hand chart). Moreover, all of the increase in the price of Chinese imports reflects the fall in the dollar against the yuan, not higher costs in China. In yuan terms, average Chinese export prices are still falling. 中国的通胀率确实在今年早些时候几乎快达到 9%(在七月份已经降到 6.3%)。 在下降了好几年之后, 美国 7 月份从中国进口产品的价格比一年前提高了 5.3%, 提高了沃尔玛里商品的价格–许多美国人常去那里购物。然而,从中国进口的货 物价格上升程度远远慢于来自其它地区货物的成本的上升程度: 从其他发达国家 进口的制成品的价格相对于去年上升了 10.1%(如左图所示)。此外,所有从中 国进口产品价格的上升也反映了美元对人民币的贬值, 而不是中国国内更高的成 本。从人民币角度来衡量,中国出口品的价格仍在下降。 There is something to the claim that China’s huge demand for food and energy is pushing up global commodity prices. China has accounted for a big slice of the growth in global consumption of oil and especially metals this decade, helping to drive prices higher. But its effect on global prices over the past year (when rich-world inflation took off) is easily overstated. The pace of growth in China’s oil demand slowed to 4% last year. That is still relatively high, but not nearly as much as its

annual rate of 12% in 2001-04, a period when the Fed was fretting about deflation, not inflation. And China’s food production has grown faster than consumption over the past few years. As a small, but growing, net exporter of wheat, maize and rice, China has, if anything, helped to ease world grain prices. 对于中国对粮食和能源的巨大需求推高全球商品价格也有一些可辩护的地方。 中 国占世界新增石油和金属(特别是在这十年间)消耗的一大块,这导致了价格的 上升。但是这在过去一年(正是发达国家通胀开始的时候)对于世界价格的影响 显然被夸大了。中国对于石油需求的增长速度去年降到 4%。这虽然相对仍比较 高,但是比起其 2001 年四月的 12%的年增长率低多了,但那时美联储则是正为 着通货紧缩而烦恼,而不是通货膨胀。而且中国过去几年粮食生产的增速大于其 消耗的速度。做为一个小型的,但是在增长的,小麦、玉米和大米的净出口国, 中国更可能是在降低世界谷物价格。 A more nuanced argument, suggested in a recent speech by Donald Kohn, the Federal s Reserve’ vice-chairman, is that lax monetary policies have recently caused emerging economies such as China to grow too fast, putting extra demand on resources. Mr Kohn concluded that central banks in emerging economies should tighten policy to restrain economic growth and so reduce global inflation. There are merits to this argument, but there is also a danger that Mr Kohn may be trying to pass the buck. After all, America’s interest rates have been historically low for most of the past decade and thus it must share much of the responsibility for higher global inflation. 一个更加微妙的证据是,美联储副主席 Donald Kohn 在最近一次讲话中说,正是 宽松的货币政策导致最近一些新兴经济体例如中国增长太快, 导致对资源更多的 需求。Kohn 先生的结论是新兴经济体央行应该实施从紧的政策以抑制经济增长 而降低世界通货膨胀。这个观点有些可取之处,但是同样有危险–Kohn 先生可 能是在设法推卸责任。毕竟,美国的利率已达到过去几十年的历史低点,因此必 须有人来分担更高的世界通胀的责任。 Mr Kohn used to argue that globalisation had a muted impact on American inflation. In 2006 he said that emerging economies were mildly disinflationary, because by running current-account surpluses they were adding more to global supply than to demand. China still has a large external surplus, so-using the same logic-how can it now be fuelling world inflation? Other inconsistencies abound. Some economists accuse China of overheating and exporting inflation, at the same time as they criticise it for overinvesting and creating excess capacity, which would imply downward pressure on prices. Last year it was fashionable to argue that China should boost its domestic demand to reduce its excess saving; now it is being told to tighten monetary policy, which would slow the growth in demand. Kohn 先生过去经常认为全球化有利于缓和对美国的通胀压力。2006 年他说新兴 经济体正在适度的通货紧缩,因为为使经常账户盈余,他们对于世界的供给比需 求更多。中国仍有巨大的对外顺差,因此,以同样的逻辑来看,他们怎么会加剧 世界通胀呢?其它的矛盾也大量存在。 一些经济学家指责中国经济过热并且输出

通胀,但是同时他们也批评中国由于过分投资产生过多产能。而这些过多的产能 则意味着减小物价上升的压力。 去年最时髦的话题就是中国应该提升其国内需求 以减少其过多的储蓄;而现在则告诉其要实施从紧的货币政策,以减慢需求的增 长。 Cheap at twice the price 物超所值 Some of this confusion reflects a widespread misunderstanding about how China’s integration into the world economy affects prices in the rich world. A common mistake is to assume that falling export prices mean that China is exporting disinflation, whereas rising export prices imply it is exporting inflation. The truth is that the level of Chinese prices matters much more than their rate of increase. China helped to hold down inflation in developed economies not because its prices were falling, but because its goods were much cheaper. 这些糊涂和混淆反映了对于中国融合进入世界经济体如何影响发达国家物价的 一个普遍的误解。 一个共同的错误就是主观臆断地认为下降的出口价格意味着中 国在输出通货紧缩,而上升的出口价格意味着中国在输出通货膨胀。而其实是中 国的价格水平远比其增速重要。 中国帮助抑制发达国家的通胀不是因为其输出价 格的下降而是因为其产品非常便宜。 In theory, global trade should cause prices in different countries to converge: the prices of low-cost producers should gradually increase as wages rise (ie, China’s falling prices were a temporary anomaly), while the prices of high-cost producers should fall. Thus so long as China’s wages and the prices of its goods remain well below those in rich countries (see right-hand chart, above), its increasing penetration of world markets will continue to depress prices for many years. For example, according to BCA Research, a firm of economic analysts, the prices of Chinese exports of electric motors and generators doubled over the past five years, yet because they remain much cheaper than American-produced products, their share of the American market has more than doubled, forcing local producers to cut prices. As China moves up the value chain, it will export cheaper products in new industries, such as cars. This will help to hold down global prices-although possibly by less than in the past. 从理论上来说,世界贸易会使得全球不同地区的价格趋于一致:低成本制造者的 价格会随着其工资的上涨而上涨(这就是说,中国产品价格的下降是一个短暂的 反常行为),而于此同时高成本制造者者的价格应该下降。因此,只要中国的工 资和产品价格仍低于发达国家(如上方有图所示),中国向世界的日益融入仍然 会使物价降低很多年。例如,根据一家经济分析公司 BCA Research 的研究,中 国出口的电动机和发电机在过去五年内上升了一倍, 然而由于其价格仍比美国生 产的产品便宜的多,他们在美国的市场份额变为原来的两倍多,迫使美国本地生 产者降低价格。随着提升其产品价值链,中国将会在新的工业领域出口更便宜的 产品,例如汽车。这将会有助于抑制全球价格–虽然可能比以往的作用小些。

Perhaps the best way to determine China’s impact on world inflation is to gauge whether its net impact is to increase aggregate global demand or supply. China is boosting both, but so far its “positive supply shock” has been the more important. The integration of China and other emerging economies into the world trading system has, in effect, more than doubled the global labour force, and by curbing workers’ bargaining power it has restrained pay demands in most developed economies in recent years. Despite higher consumer prices in America and the euro area, wage growth has remained subdued and real wages have fallen, which has prevented inflation from becoming entrenched. 也许确定中国对于世界通胀影响的最佳方法就是测算其对全球净影响是增加了 需求还是增加了供给。中国两方面都在增长,但是现在其”正面供应冲击”还是 更重要的。 中国和其它新兴经济体融入世界贸易体系, 增加了两倍的世界劳动力, 并且遏制了近些年来发达国家工人谈判的能力,限制了其工资增长的要求。尽管 美国和欧元区的消费价格高企,但是工资增长仍处于柔和状态,而且实际工资已 经下降,这也阻止了通胀的进一步加剧。 Imagine if China did not trade with the rest of the world. Oil prices would be cheaper, whereas clothes, DVD players and computers would be dearer. China’s biggest global impact is on relative prices. The net result, however, is still disinflationary. China is a handy scapegoat, but the real blame for the rise in inflation in the rich world may lie with monetary policy closer to home. 想象一下如果中国不和世界其他地区进行贸易。油价可能会很便宜,但是衣服, DVD 播放器和电脑会更贵。中国对于全球最大的影响是在相对价格上。不管怎 样,其净结果是抑制通胀的。中国是个容易找到的替罪羊,但是将发达国家通货 膨胀的上升的真正原因归罪于货币政策则会触及其痛处。

第十三篇
[2008.06.27] 记者日记:传统带来的震撼-丽江
South-west China 中国西南

Tradition’s rock ’ 传统带来的震撼

THE town of Lijiang lies northwest of Kunming. Snow-capped mountains loom in the distance while smaller hills tumble down towards the town, criss-crossed by paths and nibbled away by quarries at their bases. Wide, flat valleys provide more wheat than rice in this part of Yunnan province. 丽江位居昆明的西北部。在远处的皑皑雪峰隐约出现之时,规模较小的群山则向 古城倒来。丽江城内,阡陌纵横,但底部正受采石厂蚕食。在云南这部分地区, 宽阔平坦的谷地生产的小麦要远远多于水稻。

As I drive into town I notice that the buildings look older than in other areas I’ve visited. People are not as well-dressed, and huge lorries barrel down the roads, belching clouds of noxious black fumes over the children walking along the highways’ shoulders. 在驱车进城时,我留意到:此处的建筑物比我在其他城市所走访的更为古老。当 地人衣着随便。巨型货车飞速驶出路面,并向行走公路之上的儿童喷出股股有毒 的黑烟。 Frankly, Lijiang makes a poor first impression: it seems sprawling, modern and charmless. But a 15-minute walk from the hotel takes us into the town’s medieval centre (pictured), which is a UNESCO world-heritage site full of narrow lanes, red lanterns and roofs curling up at the corners with wooden tendrils reaching into the sky. Canals-some clean enough to sustain fish-wend their way through this charming cityscape. 坦白地说,丽江给人的第一印象并不很好:此座古城看似在向四处延 伸,富有现代气息但毫无魅力。从酒店出发,步行 15 分钟到达古城中世纪的建 筑中心 (如图) 此地四处布满着狭窄巷道, 。 悬挂大红灯笼和在角落处屋顶卷曲, 木本卷须伸向到天空。目前,已被联合国教科文组织评为世界遗产遗址。运河– 有些清澈得足以养鱼–蜿蜒穿过这副迷人的城市景观。 Shops and bars throng much of the northern part of the old town, but the invasion has so far spared the south. Instead, a huge sprawling market sells every type of food imaginable: fruit, vegetables, spices, and meat both butchered and alive. Chickens, ducks and dogs are squashed unhappily into cages in one area, while around the corner live fish flop around in shallow pools between their more unfortunate cousins who have already gone belly-up. 商店和酒吧涌向北部的大多地区,但截至目前南方尚”幸免于难”。相反,一个 庞大但散乱地延伸的集市在出售任何可以想象得到的食物:水果,蔬菜,香料, 和肉类(屠宰的和活着的)。鸡,鸭,狗很不愉快地被堆压在某处鸡笼里,而在 周围的角落,活鱼在浅水池中毫无生气地游走,他们更为不幸的表兄弟则已是翻 肚归西。 Lijiang is home to the Naxi people, an ethnic group related to Tibetans who have lived in the Yunnan foothills for centuries. While Han Chinese comprise more than 90% of the country’ population, there are another 55 “official” ethnic groups in the s country, and many more that lack state recognition. Members of those 55 groups account for more than 30% of Yunnan’s population. In some prefectures they are in

the clear majority-Daquin, for instance, is 80% Tibetan. 丽江是纳西族的家园。 纳西族是一个同曾住在云南山麓数世纪的藏人有所亲戚关 系的少数民族。汉人占这个国家人口总数的 90%以上,另外还有 55 个”官方认 可”的少数民族,许多则尚未获得到国家的认可。55 个少数民族的人数要占云 南人口的 30%以上。在有些县区,他们明显就可构成一个多数群体– 如德钦县 (Daquin)的 80%人口都是藏族。 Three hours south of Lijiang is another world-heritage site-an ancient walled city called Dali, where the Bai people live. Dali is duller than Lijiang, but as I stroll around its streets, the sound of strange music draws me down a narrow lane. An odd spectacle confronts me: hundreds of school children standing in ranks swinging their arms and legs, clapping and turning, all in time to a teacher’s commands. School exercise, Chinese style. 离丽江以南三小时的路程是另一世界文化遗址–有围墙的大理古城, 白族人生活 的地方。同丽江相比,大理则是更为单调。但在我四处溜逛古城街道的时候,不 同寻常的的音乐之声将我吸引到一个狭窄小巷。一个奇怪的场景展现在我面前: 数百名学童排列有序地站立着。在一名教师的指令下,他们同时摆动手脚,鼓掌 和转体。中国式的学生体操。 I try to follow the old tea-trading route back to Lijiang. It will lead me off the modern-day main road and through another ancient Bai village called Shaxi. 我尝试按照茶马古道回到丽江。古道将让我原离现代的主干道,并还通往另一古 老的白族村落–沙溪。 On the map the road looks straight enough; in reality it proves trickier to follow. My taxi driver claims, implausibly, never to have heard of Shaxi. I stop and ask directions several times, receiving blank stares in response. On one occasion a man and a woman both cross their index fingers into an X to tell me not to go. The man reinforces the message by making one hand into the shape of a pistol, as if to say it was dangerous-exactly why is left unsaid. My driver, whose response to any minor mishap during the day has been infectious laughter, appears perfectly happy to give up and head home, but I want to press on. 在地图上,道路看起来是十分笔直;在现实中,遵循所绘路线则更为麻烦。令人 难以置信地是,雇佣的出租车司机声称从未从未听说过沙溪。我停了下来,并多 次向路人询问方向,他们满脸的茫然便是给我的回答。一次,一名男子和一名女 子都横其食指摆成一个 X 形告诉我不要前往。那名男子为证实以上信息的真实, 把一支手握成枪的形状,仿佛在警告我那里危险–至于为何,则无说明。对白天 发生的任何轻微事故都笑得富有感染力的司机看似完全乐意放弃并返回, 但我想 加紧前行。 After a long, tortuous drive we arrive in Shaxi, which has neither obvious signs of danger nor appeal, despite its colourful market. We turn down an old cobbled street that looks like it might once have been the city’s main road. Ancient houses, temples and statues crowd peacefully around a shaded square. Local women walk home from the market wearing long skirts with ringed by bright hoops. I’m glad I ignored the X.

经过漫长的,曲折的行驶,我们终于到达了沙溪。除了多姿多彩的集市以外,那 里既无危险的迹象,也无诱人之处。我们走向一条铺着鹅卵石的古老街道,此路 看起来曾经一直都是这座城市的主要道路。古老的房舍,寺庙和雕像祥和地拥挤 在一个林荫遮蔽的广场周围。当地妇女穿着长裙从集市徒步回家,明亮的裙环叮 当作响。我很庆幸我没在乎关于 X 的警告。

第十四篇
[2008.06.27] 记者日记:传统带来的震撼-桂林 记者日记:传统带来的震撼-
South-west China 中国西南

Tradition’s rock 传统带来的震撼
A booming country’s quiet corner ’ 轰鸣大国中的宁静角落

CHINA may be rushing toward superpower status, but not all of it is in a hurry. Life in the country’s south-west glides along rather sedately. The road into Guilin, a smallish city of 650,000 people in Guangxi province, was strangely quiet as I looked out at the countryside through rain-streaked taxi windows. The driver could see nothing: her windscreen wiper scraped to a halt. She pulled to a stop in the middle of the highway to fix it, and as she returned it to life, nothing passed in either direction. 中国可能正在向超级大国的地位冲刺,但并非处处都在急行。中国西南部的生活 就相对比较平静。桂林是广西省一个的规模较小的城市,人口为 65 万。从雨水 滑落的出租车玻璃窗向野外观看,我发现通往桂林的道路竟是出奇的宁静。司机 的视野却被挡住,原来风挡雨刷出了毛病。她在高速公路开了一半路程就停下来 修理风挡雨刷,当她把风挡雨刷修好后,道路双向已无车辆往来。 The sense of a slower life continues when we reach the town. The heavy industry that propels China’s economy is largely absent from Guilin, which relies instead on tea, tourism and traditional medicines. It has proved a lucrative mix, and people can afford to amble along the streets with time to spare. 在到达桂林时,我仍能感觉到此处的生活节奏比较缓慢。在桂林,推动中国经济 发展的重工业几乎没有,而是依赖茶叶,旅游业和传统药物。这些产业一同兴旺 发展,使桂林变得富庶安逸。闲暇之余,当地人便沿街悠闲地散步。

Watch for the birdie 留意小鸟儿 Even the name of the town suggests a more gentle pace: Guilin means “forest of osmanthus trees”-and osmanthus wait until fall to blossom, rather than bursting into flower in spring. But modernisation has not bypassed the town entirely. It may be more than 2,000 years old and boast 600-year-old Ming-era buildings, but little of the town looks like it has passed its twentieth birthday. One local proudly points out an expensive new apartment block just being finished near the town centre. 这座城市的名字甚至都在暗示一种悠闲的生活步调:桂林取自”桂树成林”。桂 树要盼到秋天方可开花,而不是在春天突然绽放。不过,这座城市也全面开始了 现代化。桂林或有超过 2000 年的历史,有 600 多年的明朝建筑,但多数城市里 的建筑看似刚建不到 20 年。一名当地人自豪地向市中心附近一栋刚要竣工的昂 贵的新公寓楼指去。 But along the Li river, which runs through the centre of town, fishermen ply their trade in the same odd manner they always have. They battle the current in bamboo boats-flat platforms of up to a dozen thick bamboo trunks lashed together. 漓江穿过这座城市的中心。不过,漓江沿线的渔民还在以传统的奇特的贸易方式 进行买卖。渔民搭乘竹筏(用多达十几只的粗大竹干编凑而成),搏击湍流。 Instead of rods, they fish with trained cormorants, which dive into the water for fish and return to deliver them to the fisherman on the boat. Strings tied around their necks mean they can only swallow the smallest-anything larger and more saleable get no further than their throats. A cormorant can catch 15kg of fish a day, but only after three to five years of training. 渔民逮鱼不是用钓竿,而是用训练有素的鸬鹚。鸬鹚潜入水中捉鱼,然后回到竹 筏上把鱼交给渔民。鸬鹚的颈部被绳子系住,他们只能吞食小鱼,更大和更易出 售的鱼将无法吞下。一只受训三到五年的鸬鹚一天可捉到 15 公斤鱼。 Similarly venerable is the local tea ceremony, which can last several hours. Bundles of leaves are dropped into small clay pots, which are filled with hot water. The outside of the pots are also doused in the water, which drains down into the slats of a wooden tray. The tea is ready when the outside of the pot is dry. 历史同样悠久的当地茶道要持续数小时。 人们把几包茶叶放进装有热水的陶器茶 壶。茶壶的外围也浸在水中,这些水再慢慢流进一个木制托盘的空条板中。在茶 壶外侧的水流干时,茶便给沏好了。 The choice of tea is mind-boggling to my coffee-soaked palate. Each stage of a leaf’s growth can provide a different style of drink, with only the toughest, oldest leaves being relegated to the humble teabag. Long before that, leaves can be pressed together into bricks from which you can chip off a lump to produce a striking orange brew, or bundled into small balls and mixed with the flowers of the town’s ubiquitous osmanthus trees, which give a sweet, perfumed taste. The liquid served later that day at a local restaurant is thin and underwhelming.

品茶比我喝咖啡更为复杂。 一片茶叶生长的每个阶段都可提供一个不同样式的喝 法,只有最硬的,最老的茶叶片会被放入粗糙的茶袋。在此之前,茶叶可压成砖 块形状,从中切一小块便可泡制一壶不同寻常的橙色佳茗,或捆绑成球状同城中 无所不在的清新芳香的桂花相混合。当地餐厅出售的香茗味道淡薄,令人难以流 连。 I am told to consume the small cups offered for tasting in three sips. Apparently, only water buffalo down a drink in one go, and dogs take two sips. 人们告诉我,这些小杯茶要品三小口。很显然,一口而进是牛饮,两口喝完是家 犬。 The limestone mountains surrounding the town have been eroded away into strangely shaped fingers of rock, which locals have taken to identifying with some imagination. Their perspective eludes me. Camel Hill looks to my eye like a fist, closed except for a thumb pointing to the sky, while Elephant Trunk Hill looks like a simple arch. My concerns are soothed when I spot a hill which really does look like an elephant, but dashed again when I find out it is actually meant to resemble a tortoise. 城市周边的石灰岩山区已侵被蚀成相当数量奇形怪状的岩石, 当地人已对山石发 挥想象颇感兴趣。不过,他们的观点令我困惑不解。在我看来,骆驼山就像一只 四指朝天的拳头,而象鼻山看起来像是一座简陋的拱桥。起初,在发现一座确实 像是一只大象的小山后,我的疑虑有所缓解。但随后我确定这座小山其实像是一 只乌龟,我的希望再次破灭。


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